Connecticut Economic Digest: January 1999 issue |
|
| 1999 Economy Will Slow, But Continue To Grow | Industry Clusters | Housing Update | The Minimum Wage Debate: The Latest Rounds | Looking Up: Most Recent Numbers Provide Positive Signals |
1999 Economy Will Slow, But Continue To Grow (Jan 99 article)
|
|||||||||
| Return to Top |
A new "Industry Cluster Progress Report," released in October 1998, represents the first interim report since last February when the leadership of the industry cluster advisory boards presented their Partnership for Growth report to the Governor and legislators. Within that original report, a series of recommendations were proposed intended to "enhance the ability of Connecticut's businesses and citizens to compete more effectively as we enter the 21st century." The latest report describes progress being made in implementing these recommendations.
In the closing days of the 1998 legislative session, the Governor and Legislature unanimously approved the "Cluster Bill" and the financial support needed to launch a major industry cluster initiative in Connecticut. Those funds became available in July 1998.
Among the progress reported, the Governor has approved the Executive Order that establishes a "Governor's Council on Economic Competitiveness and Technology" that will be cochaired by the Governor and a business leader. The Council will consist of: (1) about 45 Chief Executive Officers (CEOs) from a cross-section of industries throughout the State, large and small; (2) legislative leaders; (3) heads of key educational institutions; (4) labor representatives; (5) officials of important associations; and (6) several Commissioners. The Council's first meeting was to be held in December.
| Return to Top |
Commissioner James F. Abromaitis of the Connecticut Department of Economic and Community Development announced that Connecticut communities authorized 817 new housing units in November 1998, a 45.6 percent increase compared to November of 1997 when 561 were authorized.
The Department further indicated that the 817 units permitted in November 1998 represent a decrease of 20.3 percent from the 1,025 units permitted in October 1998. The year-to-date permits are up 23.5 percent, from 8,432 through November 1997, to 10,412 through November 1998.
"The Connecticut housing market is enjoying its greatest strength in a decade," Commissioner Abromaitis said.
"The number of new starts in Bridgeport has nearly doubled over the past year and permits are up in Hartford, New Haven, and Waterbury."
Reports from municipal officials throughout the state indicate that Tolland County with 113.5 percent showed the greatest percentage increase in November compared to the same month a year ago. Hartford County followed with a 68.5 percent increase.
Hartford County documented the largest number of new, authorized units in November with 219. Fairfield County followed with 159 units and New Haven County had 131 units. Farmington led all Connecticut communities with 46 units, followed by Ellington with 28 and Manchester with 26.
| Return to Top |
As a result of Connecticut's new minimum wage law, the State's minimum wage will rise to $5.65 per hour on January 1, 1999, and to $6.15 per hour on January 1, 2000 (or to a value that is indexed to the Federal minimum wage, whichever is greater).
Connecticut has not been the only jurisdiction in recent years to take this action. For example, on November 3, 1998, Washington State voters approved the first minimum wage indexed to inflation. At the Federal level, the 1996 amendment to the Fair Labor Standards Act increased the minimum wage to $5.15 per hour on September 1, 1997. However, this may be the last Federal increase for a while. In September 1998, the Senate voted to block a Federal increase in the minimum wage which would have raised it to $6.15 in two increments.
Until recently, there had been a long-standing consensus among mainstream economists that increases in the minimum wage caused employment reductions in covered industries. That consensus changed with the publication of new research by David Card and Alan Krueger in 1995. Since all the issues surrounding the minimum wage cannot be covered in one article, what follows is a brief discussion of several selected areas of disagreement among economists that highlight their different opinions about the effects of the minimum wage.
Keynesians believe that unemployment arises when the level of income in the economy is not sufficient to absorb the current level of output. It is the result of fluctuations in economic activity over the business cycle, or an inadequate growth rate. They focus on the level of aggregate demand as the principal cause of unemployment, with wages playing a secondary role. Neoclassical economists argue that unemployment is the result of the wage rate being set or stuck above that which would be obtained by the interaction of supply and demand for labor in the labor market. This causes the supply of labor to exceed the demand for labor (i.e., there is a labor surplus, or unemployment.) Structuralists maintain that unemployment is caused by a mismatch between available jobs and available workers. It results from structural factors (such as industry, occupational, or geographic immobility that can result from job search and relocation costs) that impede the job matching process. Removing these impediments would reduce unemployment.
Since Keynesians view the wage as playing a secondary role to other factors, the minimum wage is not considered a critical determinant of employment. Structuralists look more to increased labor mobility, in both the geographic and occupational sense, than to the wage as a determinant of employment. It is the Neoclassical economists that view the wage as the primary determinant of employment. To them, a minimum wage, presumably above that determined by the market, will lead to reductions in employment.
There is disagreement among economists over the response of labor demand to a given minimum wage increase. The Big Responders contend that there will be a large relative reduction in employment for a given percent increase in the minimum wage. The Small Responders argue that the response will be small and likely to be statistically undetectable.
There are two models of market structure that can be thought of as being at opposite poles. These two templates are the most frequently used to study the effects of policy. Under Perfect Competition, there are many sellers and many buyers of labor services in the labor market. No one participant is large enough to affect the wage rate. Under Monopsony, there is only one buyer of labor services in the labor market. This single buyer has some latitude in setting the wage rate. Further, the wage rate and the level of employment are lower than they would be under perfect competition.
If the sectors subject to the minimum wage most closely resemble perfect competition, the minimum wage will result in job loses. If the sectors covered resemble monopsony, then the minimum wage will not necessarily lead to job losses.
In Myth and Measurement, David Card and Alan Krueger state that they found no evidence of any of the job losses often believed to be associated with either Federal or state minimum wage increases. Their observations were based on their review of previous work, as well as their own studies. They found their results difficult to reconcile with the assumption that covered sectors approximate the perfect competition model. Their findings have economists and policymakers debating and rethinking the conventional assumptions about the effects of the minimum wage.
In light of the issues discussed here, what is to be concluded about the prudence of raising the minimum wage? Clearly, a large enough increase in the minimum wage would result in job losses in the covered sectors. Since 1954, the historical record for the U.S. indicates that the Federal minimum wage has seen, for the most part, small to moderate increases that are far from what could be considered excessive. In 1996 dollars, the Federal minimum peaked at $7.21 an hour in 1969 and has declined ever since. It was $4.75 in 1996 (in 1996 dollars). In conclusion, the evidence indicates that moderate increases in the minimum wage probably do not reduce employment and serve to raise the wage of those covered. This would especially pertain in times of economic expansion.
| Return to Top |
The Connecticut coincident and leading employment indexes both rebounded from previous months' declines with the release of (preliminary) October data. The coincident index recovered most of its September fall after reaching new peaks in June, July, and August. The coincident index now lies just below its August peak and just above its peaks in June and July. The leading index rose after falling for four consecutive months and now lies above its August and September levels and within range of its previous peak in February. As noted last month, the August and September retrenchment in the leading index probably reflected in large measure the GM and SNET strikes. As such, there is still considerable uncertainty about what the recent movements in the leading index imply. We shall carefully monitor future data releases to identify, if and when, the leading index signals an impending downturn in the Connecticut economy.
The future of the Connecticut economy's current expansion, as noted before in this column, hinges critically on the continuation of the U.S. expansion. That is, the Connecticut expansion will not long survive once the national economy heads south. In addition, the continued expansion of the U.S. economy may require policy changes in the U.S. and/or in the world. First, the Federal Reserve has already lowered market interest rates three times in recent months and is unlikely to lower rates again, unless serious signs of weakening in the national economy emerge. Second, the European countries led by the German Bundesbank recently sent a strong signal by engineering a coordinated cut in interest rates to boost their economies. Finally, analysts cannot predict with any confidence the effects of the "Asian contagion" on the U.S. or world economies. Analysts do agree, however, that Japan needs to develop a credible plan to address the serious problems in its economy, otherwise the "Asian flu" will continue to haunt the world's economies.
In summary, the coincident employment index rose from 91.4 in October 1997 to 95.7 in October 1998. All four index components, once again, point in a positive direction on a year-over-year basis with higher nonfarm employment, higher total employment, a lower insured unemployment rate, and a lower total unemployment rate.
The leading employment index increased from 89.9 in October 1997 to 90.4 in October 1998. Four of the five index components sent positive signals on a yearover- year basis with a lower shortduration (less than 15 weeks) unemployment rate, a longer average work week of manufacturing production workers, lower initial claims for unemployment insurance, and higher total housing permits. The other component sent a negative signal on a yearover- year basis with lower Hartford help-wanted advertising.
SOURCE: Connecticut Center for or Economic Analysis, University of Connecticut. Developed by Pami Dua [Economic Cycle Research Institute; NY,NY] and Stephen M. Miller [(860) 486-3853, Storrs Campus]. Kathryn E. Parr and Hulya Varol [(860) 486-3022, Storrs Campus] provided research support.
| Home | About Us | Contact Us | FAQs | Glossary | Site Map | Search | |||
| Connecticut Department of Labor Home Page | Labor Market Information Home Page | |||
| Published by the Connecticut Department of Labor, Office of Research | |||
| Last Updated: October 15, 2002 | |||